Had he not become the leader of the dreaded insurrectionist organisation, he would probably have been serving in a mission. The last time that negotiations were held between the Indian government and Naga guerrillas in the late Sixties, playing a key role was a suave young man in his mid-30s. Another 30 summers later, the same man is set to play a bigger role in the current negotiations. Meet the soft-spoken, deeply-religious chairman of the underground National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), Isak Chishi Swu.
His lanky self, aquiline features and wry smile belie his shrewdness, clarity of thought, and political acumen. Yet, he disagrees that he is the ''cool'' leader of a ''dreaded'' organisation. Swu drives home his point, ''I am only concerned with my responsibilities, and whether I am harsh or cool, it is known to my people. They need my service. I am here to serve them. When a person is totally dedicated and committed to a cause, he will be taken by his opponents as dreaded. At the same time, there is a need to temper true steel in cool water.''
Born to a devout Christian family in a nondescript hamlet called Chishilimi in the Sumi region of present-day Nagaland on 7 November 1929, Isak, when 8, was taken by his father and admitted to a missionary school at Kohima. An 80-kilometre trudge and two arduous days later, the lad was overcome with a "deep sense and amazement." Recollects Swu, ''As I came from an area where there was no mark of civilisation in the modern sense of the term ? no roads, no buildings ? everything appeared interesting to me. I wanted to discover and learn many new things when I came to Kohima town. ''
And that he did. Growing up during the turbulent days of the Forties, the socio-political events that followed World War-II aroused Swu's poltical consciousness to a great extent. There were other sources of inspiration too: speeches, writings and actions of the British; his own patriotic zeal and religious perception; and political writings and personal contacts with Naga leaders. Slowly the political concept behind the Naga movement and a comprehensive picture of the scenario started taking shape in the youngster's mind.
When armed hostilities broke out between the Indian army and the Naga insurrectionists, he was at St Anthony's College in Shillong. The Naga Hills were in turmoil and the B.A. student's meagre remittance from his home stopped trickling in. Isak then started working during the day and attending classes at night. The burning-the-midnight-oil days were testing times, and ''it was only by the grace of God that I could complete my degree course.''
Isak enrolled with the Naga Youth Movement in 1951 ? the year 99 per cent of the people of the Naga Hills were said to have opted for secession from India in a plebiscite. Yet, it was not for another seven years that he decided to take the plunge. Back again at his native village, he saw ''many innocent villagers being butchered by the occupational Indian armed forces. Houses were burnt down. The entire population of these villages were herded together and taken away to camps at Kilomi and Phughoboto.'' Isak managed to go to Zunheboto, where he went looking for the Naga National Council (NNC), the vanguard of the Naga political movement. ''It was the intrinsic desire to defend our free national existence and serve the eternal cause of the Naga nationhood that made me join the NNC,'' he says now.
Swu then went to to rise in the NNC hierarchy. And during the talks with the Indian government in the Sixties, he was the foreign minister of the underground Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN), the NNC's political setup. The talks fell through, and it did have indirect repurcussions on the NNC -- it signalled the beginning of the parting of ways of a hardliner-turned-liberal group of Sumis (a Naga tribe, also known as Semas). People like Kaito Sema, Kughato Sema and Scato Swu, among others, parted ways, but Isak Swu (himself, a Sumi) remained steadfast with the mainstream. He provides the reason: ''Just agreeing to serve a cause is not sufficient. One must have a clear vision and conviction for which one is prepared to sacrifice even one's life. It must be seasoned with clear political philosophy and ideology. These elements were lacking in many Sumis, many of them had been conscripted by force by Sumi leaders of the time.''
There were other reasons too. The Sumis' had been a success story in their military achievements. Isak continues, ''Many top NNC leaders became jealous and, without rhyme or reason, removed top leaders of the Sumi community. The Sumi leaders were aggrieved and discouraged and, as a result, went astray. But the struggle for a national cause cannot end that way. The organisation was in disarray, but the course still lay clear.''
What began next, according to Swu, was a game of deceptions, culminating in the Shillong Accord in 1975. He says, ''I did not take sides -- either with those Sumis who went astray or the accordists. We tried our best to save the nation from the predicament, but our attempt to salvage the NNC, despite the mistake committed by its leaders, was in vain. We could not allow ourselves to perish with the traitors. It was essential that the lovers of Nagalim (lim - land) and her independence remain upright. Thus, in order to maintain the stand of the Naga nation with the mandate of the people, the formation of a new organization, the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), not only became imperative but the only correct line.''
The NSCN was formed in 1980 with Swu as the chairman, S.S. Khaplang as its vice-chairman and Thuingaleng Muivah as general secretary. The organisation split eight years down the line with Khaplang going one way and Swu-Muivah remaining together. The twosome have since stayed together through thick and thin. Both, incidentally, had studied in same institutions --Union Christian College of Barapani and St Anthony's College of Shillong.
Swu recollects fondly, ''Our understanding of the world we live in is the same. Our perceptions of and approach to problems are the same. Our principle of life is the same. We have the same understanding of the meaning of our existence. Our religious, ideological and philosophical concepts are along the same line. We join our heads and hearts together to analyse situations and take realistic steps to solve them. Both of us have avowed together to serve the cause of our nation till we achieve our goal. We trust each other and our men.''
The two have remained away from the area they are fighting for. Isn't there a danger of their cadres drifting away? Isak allays such fears, ''Since 1989, my people have been sending me abroad to convey their plight to the world. We have been quite successful in our campaign. The hitherto unknown war launched by the forces of India and Myanmar and the determined resistance put up by the Nagas, is not unknown altogether anymore.''
Swu says they keep in touch with the organisation's members on a regular basis, and that ''there is no communication gap between the home authorities and us. Unfortunately this was not the case with A.Z. Phizo. He contacted and believed only his family and relatives, who fed him with the news and views of his family and tribe. He was misled by these people. In the end they entered into the treacherous Shillong Accord and Phizo refused to condemn that shameful act of selling the nation. That was because it (the accord) was mainly the handiwork of his brother (Kevi Yallay) and fellow tribesmen (Angami Nagas).''
On his ''quest for freedom'', Isak is philosophical when he says, ''The cause to defend the freedom of one's country is the birthright of all human beings. The right to self-determination is a God-given right to every tribe and nation. This is more precious than life itself. So, when it is challenged, it is the duty of every citizen to respond it in whatever constructive way he/she can. When a person could understands the meaning of his/her own existence he/she will not give up servicing the cause. Life has got its own meaning --to fulfill the will of the Creator. Once a person is convinced of this truth, he/she will not hesitate to sacrifice even his life for it. The truth becomes power by itself.''
And in being so preoccupied and committed to this cause, Isak Chishi Swu barely had the time to start a family. He did finally -- at the relatively late age of 37. Today, Swu and his wife are the proud parents of five sons and one daughter of their own, and two sons and one daughter they have adopted.
