Big business is driving the murky EU-India trade negotiations

European CEOs
Hard talk European CEOs at a business summit. For the EU, India is only the 10th biggest trading partner. It is the destination of only 2.4% of the EU‘s exports and the origin of 1.9% of its imports. But India‘s market of more than 1 billion people, its burgeoning middle class and its impressive growth rates have whetted the appetite of European firms.

The ongoing India-European Union Free Trade Agreement (FTA) negotiations have been non-transparent. They are a threat to the livelihoods of millions of people, and any hasty conclusion of the talks will only fuel poverty, inequality, and environmental destruction.

The terms of a new deal between the EU and India, negotiations of which have been “hijacked” by big business and vested interests on both sides, will jeopardise the livelihood of millions of small farmers and patients, a joint study by the Belgium-based Corporate Europe Observatory and New Delhi-based India FDI Watch has revealed. The report, Trade invaders: How big business is driving the EU-India FTA negotiations, was released simultaneously in New Delhi and Brussels recently.

The heavily criticises the FTA negotiations as tailored to corporate interests and kept behind closed doors without access for non-governmental organisations, trade unions, or even members of the respective parliaments. No negotiating text or position has been made available to the Indian public, the Parliament or state governments. Such a state of things is called "murky".

The Manmohan Singh government, which has a dubious track record of thrusting laws on the people of the land, is silently on its way towards imposing another such one. All in the name of the 10 per cent growth that robs the Prime Minister of the sleep that he needs at the age of 78.

Since 2007, India and the EU have been negotiating a far-ranging free trade agreement (FTA). It covers the liberalisation of trade in goods, the deregulation of services, investment and government procurement, the strict enforcement of intellectual property rights, and many other points. Ever since the launch of the negotiations, the doors of the EU Commission have remained wide open to interested businesses. But not to others.

Many of the issues raised by European industry made it into the EU‘s list of top-10 priority barriers to the Indian market:

  • The EU objected to Indian government proposals for a bill for the Indian postal market that will limit foreign ownership in the sector to 49 per cent, give the Indian Post exclusive competence for certain services and require large companies to contribute to India‘s universal service fund. India argued that these measures were necessary to ensure affordable and guaranteed services to all citizens because private couriers “are operating only in creamy areas and big business centres with the sole motive of profit without corresponding responsibility towards deprived classes of people residing in rural, remote, hilly, tribal and inaccessible areas of the country”. The EU found these measures “too cumbersome” for European couriers like DHL and TNT.
  • The EU challenged India‘s import restrictions on pork and poultry products from countries affected by bird flu. On behalf of the Association of Poultry Processors and Traders (AVEC), the European food and drink lobby (CIAA) and the meat processors lobby group (CLITRAVI), the EU challenged these restrictions, which it claims go beyond international standards.
  • The EU challenged requirements for a certificate that shows that imported pork products come from places that are free from a number of pig diseases. Again, the EU acted on behalf of the meat industry and criticised the measure for going beyond what is internationally required.
  • The EU also challenged existing and upcoming legislation for medical technology that requires, for example, that any imported device still has a valid shelf life of not less than 60 per cent of its original shelf life – an anathema for the lobby group for the medical technology industry Eucomed.
  • The EU objected to certain quality and health standard conditions for imported hides and skins, which it claimed go beyond international standards and were hurting exports from the European leather industry.
  • The EU challenged the need for an Indian certificate for imported tyres for consumer protection and road safety. The EU Commission, the European Tyre & Rubber Manufacturers‘ Association (ETRMA) and tyre companies such as Continental, Michelin and Pirelli, which apply different safety standards, see these kinds of regulations as “barriers to trade with a danger to spill over to the whole Asian region if they are not contained”.

Following the EU-industry offensive, India has already relaxed its import conditions for some poultry and pork products and for hides and skins. And, the negotiations are still on.

Civil society groups in Europe have called for an immediate halt to the negotiations until:

  • all negotiating texts and positions are made public
  • comprehensive impact assessments and meaningful, broad consultations with the most affected groups in Europe and India have taken place
  • the EU‘s approach to the negotiations has fundamentally changed. Development concerns, human and labour rights, food sovereignty, environmental, social and gender justice should inform the EU position – not commercial interests.

However, the EU Commission does not seem to care about these demands – despite the constant feelgood rhetoric about accountability, transparency and addressing civil society concerns in EU trade policy. Take a look at how things stand:

A comparative look at the issues involved
Issue Requests from EU industry EU negotiation position Positions of public interest groups and Parliamentarians
IPR
  • data exclusivity provisions that “protect” test
    date of authorised drugs and chemicals for a
    minimum of 10 years
  • strict enforcement measures: police IPR-cells,
    training for police, customs and judges, border
    protection measures to prevent products
    alleged of infringing IPRs to be imported,
    exported and transported through the Indian
    market
  • Go beyond TRIPS standards: “This chapter shall
    complement and further specify the rights and
    obligations between the Parties beyond those
    under the TRIPS Agreement” (art. 8.1)
  • introduction of data exclusivity in India (art. 18)
  • extent patents from the standard 20 to up to 25
    years (art. 17.3)
  • border protection provisions that allow the
    seizure of products suspected of infringing IPRs
    at the Indian border (art. 36)
  • training of personnel for the enforcement of
    IPRs (art. 38)
  • European Parliament resolution: “restrict the
    Commission‘s mandate so as to prevent it from
    negotiating pharmaceutical-related TRIPS plus provisions affecting public health and
    access to medicines, such as data exclusivity,
    patent extensions... within… future bilateral
    and regional agreements with developing
    countries”>
  • provisions on data exclusivity, patent extension
    and border measures/ enforcement should be
    excluded from agreement
Tariffs
  • Elimination of all import tariffs on industrial
    products without the possibility of excluding
    certain sensitive products
  • Focus on zero tariffs for chemicals, textiles,
    automotives and auto parts, electronics,
    precious metals, machinery
  • Elimination of tariffs for agricultural products
    with a few exceptions for sensitive products
  • Focus on zero tariffs for processes food and
    beverages, meat, dairy, cereals, fruits and
    vegetables
  • Elimination of more than 90% of tariffs on
    manufactured and agricultural products within
    7 years; aiming at tariff liberalisation for all
    industrial products
  • Zero tariffs on chemicals, textiles and probably
    also dairy, automotives, processed food and
    beverages
  • Less radical liberalisation commitments for a
    limited list of sensitive agricultural products
  • European Parliament stressed “right of governments
    to maintain necessary policy space and
    regulatory capacities to shape economic and
    social policies that serve their most vulnerable
    people, including trade measures to protect
    weak economic actors”.
  • Preserve tariffs to generate revenue for social
    spending and protect vulnerable sectors of
    society
  • Cutting 90% or more of all tariffs goes too
    far; up to 60% of agricultural duties must be
    treated as sensitive
  • Need for deep impact assessments with focus
    on livelihood protection
Services and Investment
  • Dismantling of regulations that are in the
    way of EU companies: no limits on foreign
    ownership for European banks and insurance
    companies; open up closed sectors like retail,
    accounting, legal and postal services; unlimited
    transfer of profits of European subsidiaries; no
    limits on risky forms of investment
  • Broad protection for European investments in
    India particularly against expropriation; farreaching
    obligations for India
  • Investor-to-state provisions that allow companies
    to directly sue India through international
    tribunals
  • “far reaching liberalisation of services and investment”
  • emphasis on the following sectors: banking,
    insurance, retail, accounting, legal and postal
    services...
  • full liberalisation of capital movements
  • no limits on risky forms of investment
  • Maximum protection for EU investors
  • Investor-to-state provisions that allow companies
    to directly sue India through international
    tribunals
  • Governments need maximum flexibility to limit
    and regulate foreign investment and services to
    minimise costs and maximise benefits for their
    societies and in particular vulnerable groups
  • Focus should not be on investment protection,
    but on fostering positive investor behaviour and
    promoting long-term sustainable investment
  • Obligations not just for state receiving investment,
    but also for companies and their home
    states (e.g. relating to social, environmental +
    labour standards and development)
  • No international investor-to-state dispute
    settlement
Government procurement
  • Open Indian market to enable European
    companies to bid for public contracts in sectors
    such as energy infrastructure, water treatment,
    healthcare, transport or construction
  • EU companies should be treated like domestic
    and other foreign companies (non-discrimination
    + national treatment)
  • “progressive liberalisation of procurement
    markets at national, regional, and, where
    appropriate, local levels; as well as in the field
    of public utilities”
  • “gradual market access on the basis of the
    principles of non-discrimination and national
    treatment”
  • Governments must be allowed to favour particular
    suppliers in their procurement policies to
    boost domestic production and support small
    enterprises, marginalised constituencies and
    poorer regions
Access to raw materials
  • ban export taxes and other export restrictions
    on raw materials to secure European industry
  • unhampered access to manufacturing inputs
  • prohibit export taxes and other export
    restrictions
  • no ban on export restrictions
  • respect the right of countries to regulate their
    exports of raw materials
  • recognise communities‘ right over natural
    resources and stop forced displacement of
    people from their habitats and sources of the
    livelihood
Source: Trade Invaders: How big business is driving the EU-India free trade negotiations; Pia Eberhardt (Corporate Europe Observatory) & Dharmendra Kumar (India FDI Watch)

The report says that the free trade talks between the EU and India are tailored to corporate interests. Both the EU Commission and the government of India have entered into a symbiotic working relationship with big corporations and their lobby groups. "Both have put in place a dense web of corporate advisory bodies, working groups and consultation channels through which business can exercise undue influence over trade-policy making. Both largely ignore people who stand up for a trade policy that acts in the interest of people‘s livelihoods.

Taking this further, the report makes its suggestions. As a first step, both sides should halt the EU-India FTA negotiations until:

  • all existing negotiating positions, draft proposals, stakeholder contributions and government commissioned studies are made public;
  • comprehensive impact assessments and meaningful, broad consultations with the most affected groups in Europe and India have taken place;
  • they have put an end to their habit of joint-policy making with big business;
  • development, livelihoods, food sovereignty, environmental, social and gender justice form the core of their trade policy agenda.

Now, these are not unreasonable demands. Transparency in democratic societies need to be all-pervading.