This is a timely book, coming at a moment in the new century when the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is trying to develop a moderate profile in ideological terms, continue its tough stand on Pakistan, when it has been forced to retreat, considerably bruised, from the episode in Gujarat when the party lifted the ban on government servants joining the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) and when the new RSS leadership is sounding off about swadeshi (whatever that means) and the role of the majority community.

Just over two years ago, Govindacharya of the BJP who has become so familiar to most newspapers, broadcast organisations and to the public (and also in this book) as a two-word cliche -- "party ideologue" -- spelled out the BJP's long-term strategy in an interview to The Times of India: "The BJP has neither made any compromises with its basic values and principles to come to power, not will it ever do so once it comes to power. Our basic commitment is to the principles of Sanskritik Rashtravaad (cultural nationalism), Swadeshi (economic nationalism), Shuchita (probity in public life), Samajik Samarastra (social harmony) and Suraksha (security for the country and the people."

He went on to declare that "We have only followed an approach of 'pragmatic idealism', a combination of basic idealism and creative practical strategy which takes into account the unfolding reality. It may also be termed as a tactical act of self-defence. It is true that the policies and positions of our allies do not tally with ours on all matters. But isn't this natural in any multi-party democracy where the situation forces parties to come together for a common objective?"

Two general elections and two governments down the line, do the Five Ss still hold? How much do they really influence the BJP-led National Democratic alliance at the Centre and the governments that the party either runs on its own or shares power with in the states? Or has what Govindacharya described in such delicious vagueness as 'pragmatic idealism" -- which could mean anything from buying MLAs to changing its political tack on illegal migration to bending over backward to accommodate international monetary policies -- come to dominate every aspect of the BJP's governance?

If one assesses the BJP's work schedule and its programme of action, then surely it is not the Five Ss but PI (Pragmatic Idealism) and the common minimum programme among allies which is well and truly in place. Given the electoral arithmetic in India, the BJP is unlikely to win even a simple majority on its own in future general elections(except in the case of a huge popular wave in its favour which obliterates other factors which are opposed to it -- and this is also as unlikely to happen) But what of the future and its past record? Ayodhya is not far behind, nor are the explosions of rebellion as seen in Kalyan Singh's actions and the failure to win a broad enough base among backwards, Dalits, tribal groups and Muslims and the noises about Swadeshi by the RSS. How seriously should one take these elements in the BJP's growth and perceptions of reality?

In a meticulously-researched sweep across the decades, Partha Ghosh currently a Director with the Indian Council of Social Science Research has tried to answer some of these basic questions. He dwells on a range of issues, painting first of all, a broad brush picture of the international surge of religion in politics before getting down to the growth, failures and challenges before the BJP. He talks briefly of the problems of illegal migration facing eastern India, an area of long-term interest to the reviewer and one which is going to gain greater significance in the years to come especially with growing pressure on the commons -- on land and other natural resources. But there are few ideas in the book for a solution.

There are interesting facets to the picture that help the development of the larger portrait -- such as how Kalyan Singh manipulated his MLAs proving that the party was "adept as any party in manipulating support." Of course, Pramod Mahajan and others of this ilk have also shown it is done at the national level. For the UP MLAs of the ruling coalition the price of support was simple: a car and telephones with three STD connections, unlimited entertainment and petrol allowances, a furnished house and out of pocket allowances of Rs 3 lakh to Rs 5 lakh per month. Each MLA, Ghosh calculated, was to cost between Rs 10-15 lakhs per month.

So much for political discipline.

Ghosh's strengths are in the way he has mapped the rise of the BJP, its uneasy relationships with other members and leaders of the Sangh Parivar, the surge of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), how it capitalised on the Shah Bano controversy where Congress under Rajiv Gandhi was seen as bowing to Muslim pressure on the question of divorce and maintenance and how a prominent Hindu sant is critical of the VHP, blasting their attempts to show themselves as genuine Hindu leaders.

What is of special interest is the way he has described the political formation of political Hinduism, as he calls it, through a series of steps and the consolidation of the Hindu-Muslim divide, no matter how "truly secular" the BJP leadership describes itself. This is reflected in how the party and its parivar has tried to subtly subvert the teaching of history in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh with simple but sweeping changes.

Change mindsets at that level and you control an entire generation -- whether or not there is a ban on the RSS.

However, to buttress his arguments in this extensive book, Ghosh has tended to rely often on the arguments and views of others. One misses his own views and thoughts coming out with sharp clarity. What The Evolution of Hindu Nationalism has become is a compilation of historical facts, an interesting historical narrative which is important and significant in itself. But, with Prof Ghosh's erudition, it could have been a much more compelling statement on his vision of where the BJP is heading and how it must trim its sails and change its basic character if it is to rule wisely and well in a changed and rapidly changing India.


Book description:

A scholarly work tracing the growth of Hindu nationalism and attempts to assess the future of political Hinduism.

Religion and politics are always interconnected. The phenomenon is more evident in developing societies where political units are generally not individual citizens as is the case in industrial societies but they are social groups and identities. Recent developments in India marked by the unprecedented rise in religio-centric politics underscore this point. The process is epitomised by the rise of Hindu-chauvinistic BJP to the centre-stage and its subsequent forming a coalition government at the centre with itself as the dominant partner.

In a socially and culturally plural India how enduring this phenomenon would be is what the present book is all about. It traces the growth of Hindu nationalism from the early days of Indian renaissance in the late nineteenth century to the present against the background of an incremental competition amongst several social forces which do not allow shaping of India into a Hindu state. The study attempts to assess the future of political Hinduism in general and the BJP in particular together with critically gauging the ideological and intellectual depth of the phenomenon.

At the core of this inquiry are such fundamental questions as: What are the limits of the use of religion in Indian politics? Are other parties which vow in the name of value-based politics and secularism any different from the BJP insofar as communal mobilisation is concerned? Does Hindutva mean political Hinduism or Hinduization of Indian politics? Can there be anything like 'genuine secularism' when 'secularism' itself is a total concept which cannot be qualified?

And are Muslims in India really pampered as the BJP claims? Besides policy issues such as those related to Indian economy and foreign relations have also been addressed so as to view the party and its ideology from a holistic perspective.