It is a hard life up there in the mountains. For women it is all the more hard.

Mountain ecosystems and their inhabitants have evoked much interest in the last two decades or so. Mountain people rank among the most deprived sections of society. Women here play a crucial role in natural resource management, agricultural production and well-being of the mountain families. Women here, than their counterparts elsewhere, are worse of in being undernourished, under-compensated for their labour, and under-represented in decisionmaking bodies.

Perhaps one need not read this book to know of the plight of women in the Hindu Kush-Himalayan (HKH) region ranging from Myanmar in the east to Afghanistan in the west. But then, one must. This visually appealing compilation is a far-cry from the dour-looking books about case studies of women usually are. Processes of historical, economic and social development are, more often than not, told exclusively by men. Here is a book that provokes a discussion of gender relations from the neglected perspective of women.

Altogether 18 researchers from eight countries of the HKH region - Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, China, India, Myanmar, Nepal and Pakistan - were involved in the case studies. The aim was to extricate accurate data on aspects of women's lives missing from national databases and to "examine policies specifically aimed at women's development and the field-level realities that determine the effectiveness of these policies".

The studies were carried out by women who shared a cultural background with the places they studies. In some cases they were from the place itself. None of them was a professional gender specialist. Within a limited period of time (3 months), the women surveyed the villages and questioned women about their physical and emotional environments, their self-images, and their felt needs. They also carried out desk research on policies and plans for women in the countries chosen for the study and wrote their reports. Contents vary in terms of depth of study and analysis by the researchers. But, the researchers' interest in the research initiative and sincere commitment to the improvement of conditions in mountain women's lives were in evidence all though. There was no outsider's perspective.

The preface points out some of the lacunae in the information and the contradictions that occur when those carrying out the research are not from the specific area of expertise. Nevertheless, the editor has let the voices come through. A well-informed introductory chapter by the editor pre-empts the necessity of and temptation to 'add' to what the women themselves have to say.

What comes across is an amazing melange of facts - many of them inherently contradictory, many of them as pleasant surprises. It is not a disenchanting story all through - the studies offer a lot of hope still.

Historically, the dominant ideologies operative in the HKH region and its downstream regions have had powerful and determining effects upon human action. These distortions have been erroneously been taken as integral parts of the region itself. That gender representations in religions are not uniform suggests that individuals selectively embrace or disregard various religious views.

In the development process, the introduction of a cash economy and the pursuit of individual security through accumulation of material wealth (as opposed to traditional systems of reciprocal obligations) are channelled through men. The increasingly common migration of men to urban centres and lowland areas for cash wages (Bhutan, Darjeeling/Sikkim, Kumaon/Garhwal) and the involvement of men in armed conflict (Deh Sabz/Istalif) are factors affecting women's heavier responsibilities in managing farms and households.

Decisionmaking opportunities for women ranged from almost non-existent in Afghanistan, where women do not even decide what food to prepare for dinner to central and western Bhutan where women dictate if and how men can hire out their services and even lend tools. In areas in which women have groups of their own, there is more participation. The problem all along seems to be that most government programmes to encourage and train women are 'add-ons' - i.e., they seem to be after-thoughts to mainstream national policies and plans that obviously target them. It is very difficult to perceive what real changes have taken place in the HKH region, over a period of 30-40 years - the current development era - as we do not know what existed before.

In the Xiangyang and Sangu villages in China's Yunan province, women's work is structured by their position in the family. The kitchen is always the women's territory and according to tradition, a woman is looked down upon by other villagers is she does not cook for her husband. Most land contracts are in men's names, although the law gives the same authority to women and men over ownership of farmland. Women here were at a loss and were hardly able to answer clearly when asked about what they thought about their roles in the family and in the society. They just simply thought that they should do what they were told to do or do what was expected of them.

According to Chinese law, the legacy of the parents should be shared equally among the children regardless of sex, but, in practice, married daughters do not have access. Moreover, traditionally, women from the Qiang and Yi in the Sicuan province of China have no inheritance rights. The contributions of some outstanding local women need to be listed. Yang Songyin, a mother of six, who actually appealed for and sponsored the building of the village road. In spite of her poor education, she is held in high esteem among the villagers. Here, both the money from selling orchard products and that earned by men outside are handed over to the wife (or mother).

In the Seikpyo and Kyone villages in the Shan state of Myanmar, women also receive land from their parents and land use rights are transferred to her husband. In transferring land to children, no gender differentiation is made between male and female children. Women here contribute equally if not more to the household income in order to take care of the family and farm expenditure.

Though tribal women in the Khagrachari hills district of Bangladesh are very vocal about their rights, they have no inheritance rights over land and property. The main tasks of the family, such as cooking, fetching fuelwood, washing, cleaning the house, and child care are solely women's tasks. Women have little time for leisure. Though men and women have equal access to sources of health and nutrition, in the research area women's health is neglected.

Bhutanese women have a fairly 'visible' role in natural resource management, agriculture, and in the household. Visible in the sense that the role they play is recognised, appreciated, valued, and acknowledged by the men of their households. Yet, in comparison to a few decades ago, the rural women of today have less help and more work.

There is no evidence, but rumours persist that the Tibetan Gyalmorong, which could mean 'Valley of the Queen', and which is located on the eastern fringes if the Tibetan plateau, is the place where a women's kingdom was established. In order to demonstrate progression in a society that in other aspects is rather stagnant and dull, modern Tibetan feminists sometimes, too, refer to the fabled and legendary 'Kingdom of women'. Tibetan marriage customs also hold that a woman is not considered dishonoured by having a child before marriage and that 'the marriage tie is very slight, and can be dissolved at any time by either the man or woman. By far the most remarkable gender-egalitarian characteristic among Tibetans is the equality of the first-born female offspring. The first-born child becomes sadag (heir) to the land and continuation of family lineage.